In this section: Every tax
Taxes you pay indirectly
Last updated . Figures refresh every night. How each figure is worked out.
Taxes charged on businesses that reach households anyway, through higher prices, lower wages or smaller pension pots. Formally, companies. In practice the cost is shared between customers, workers and shareholders, in proportions economists argue about constantly. It raised £95.1bn in 2025–26, which is 10.1% of everything HMRC collects and 3.10% of the economy. That is up £4.2bn (4.6%) on the year before.
Figures for the 2025–26 financial year. Source: HM Revenue and Customs.
Key figures
- £95.1bnRaised in 2025–26 up on a year earlier: +£4,190m (+4.6%) vs 2024–25
- 3.10%Of the whole economy (GDP) unchanged on a year earlier: no change vs 2024–25
- RecordThe most it has raised in real terms since 2006–07 Adjusted for inflation with the GDP deflator
Sources: HM Revenue and Customs, HM Treasury.
What is the short version?
- How big: £95.1bn in 2025–26, 10.1% of everything HMRC collects; after inflation, 59% more than in 2015–16.
- Latest change, 2023: Corporation tax rises from 19% to 25% for larger companies, the first rise since 1974.
- Where it goes: Apprenticeship funding, in one case only.
- The argument: Companies use public infrastructure, courts and an educated workforce; against that, it is invisible: people cannot see what they are paying, so it escapes scrutiny.
How much does it raise?
The numbers behind this chart
| Financial year | Cash | Real, 2025-26 prices |
|---|---|---|
2006–07Details for 2006–07 | £44,875m | £73,456m |
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2007–08Details for 2007–08 | £47,036m | £75,516m |
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2008–09Details for 2008–09 | £43,927m | £67,990m |
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2009–10Details for 2009–10 | £36,628m | £55,969m |
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2010–11Details for 2010–11 | £43,040m | £64,666m |
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2011–12Details for 2011–12 | £42,475m | £62,484m |
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2012–13Details for 2012–13 | £39,841m | £57,610m |
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2013–14Details for 2013–14 | £38,932m | £55,148m |
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2014–15Details for 2014–15 | £41,091m | £57,395m |
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2015–16Details for 2015–16 | £43,016m | £59,670m |
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2016–17Details for 2016–17 | £48,017m | £65,298m |
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2017–18Details for 2017–18 | £52,714m | £70,789m |
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2018–19Details for 2018–19 | £54,381m | £71,400m |
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2019–20Details for 2019–20 | £61,565m | £78,754m |
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2020–21Details for 2020–21 | £50,486m | £61,375m |
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2021–22Details for 2021–22 | £63,745m | £77,309m |
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2022–23Details for 2022–23 | £77,894m | £88,264m |
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2023–24Details for 2023–24 | £85,658m | £92,210m |
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2024–25Details for 2024–25 | £90,915m | £94,047m |
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2025–26Details for 2025–26 | £95,105m | £95,105m |
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Figures for the 2025–26 financial year. Source: HM Revenue and Customs, HM Treasury.
It raised more than the year before, but the other taxes grew faster, so its share of the total fell.
How "real terms" is worked out
Real terms use HM Treasury's GDP deflator, rebased to 2025-26 prices. That is the measure the Treasury and the OBR use for public finances; the consumer price index is the right one for a shopping basket, not for the size of the state.
How does it work?
A tax on a company is not paid by the company in any meaningful sense. A company is a legal arrangement; the money comes from somewhere. Economists call working out where it actually lands tax incidence, and it is one of the least settled questions in public finance.
There are three possible destinations. Customers pay through higher prices. Workers pay through lower wages than they would otherwise have had. Shareholders pay through lower returns, which includes anyone with a pension.
Corporation tax is the biggest. The evidence suggests a substantial share falls on workers over time, especially in open economies where capital can move, but estimates range from about a fifth to more than half and honest economists disagree.
Employer National Insurance is the clearest case. The OBR assumes most of it passes into lower wages within a few years, and the 2025 increase was explicitly analysed that way.
Business rates are a property tax on the occupier. Because the supply of commercial property is fairly fixed, much of the burden shows up in lower rents over time rather than higher prices, so landlords bear more of it than tenants.
The others are narrower. The Apprenticeship Levy funds training. The bank levy and surcharge apply to banks specifically. The Energy Profits Levy taxes North Sea oil and gas profits. The Digital Services Tax charges large digital businesses on UK revenues, and there is reasonable evidence that platforms passed it straight on to sellers as a fee.
How has it changed?
How it got here, and why each change was made:
- 1965Corporation tax is introduced as a separate tax on company profits.
- 1990Business rates are reformed into the national non-domestic rate, with the multiplier set centrally.
- 2011The bank levy is introduced after the financial crisis, charged on bank balance sheets.
- 2017The Apprenticeship Levy begins: 0.5% of payroll for large employers, refundable against training.
- 2020The Digital Services Tax begins at 2% of UK revenues for large search, social and marketplace businesses.
- 2022The Energy Profits Levy is introduced on North Sea oil and gas profits after prices spike.
- 2023Corporation tax rises from 19% to 25% for larger companies, the first rise since 1974.
Where does the money go?
Apprenticeship funding, in one case only. The Apprenticeship Levy is genuinely earmarked: employers draw it back down to fund training, and unspent funds expire. None of the others are. Corporation tax, business rates, the bank levy and the Energy Profits Levy all go into general taxation.
Because it is not earmarked, the only honest way to show what it pays for is by proportion. If taxes you pay indirectly receipts of £95.1bn were spent in the same proportions as all public spending in 2025-26, they would break down like this. It is an illustration of scale, not a statement about where those particular pounds went.
See for every £100 of tax for the full picture.
Does it change what people do?
The Digital Services Tax is the cleanest natural experiment. Several large platforms announced explicit fee increases for UK sellers within weeks of it taking effect, naming the tax as the reason. Close to full pass-through, visible in public pricing, which is rare.
When a tax rise stops raising money looks at the cases where the effect has been large enough to move the revenue.
How does that compare with other countries?
In 2024 the UK raised 3.5% of GDP this way: seventh of the 12 countries compared here.
The UK’s corporation tax rate is around the OECD average after the 2023 rise, having been well below it. Business rates, though, are among the highest property taxes on business in the developed world as a share of the economy.
What is being compared
The OECD heading is taxes on the income, profits and capital gains of corporations.
Countries are those this site compares throughout, not the whole OECD, and a country appears only where it reports this heading for 2024.
What are the arguments?
The case for taxing businesses
- Companies use public infrastructure, courts and an educated workforce.
- Without it, income could be sheltered indefinitely inside companies.
- Some of it does fall on shareholders, who tend to be wealthier.
- It is harder to avoid than taxing the same profits when distributed.
The case against
- It is invisible: people cannot see what they are paying, so it escapes scrutiny.
- Much of it lands on workers and customers anyway, just less transparently.
- It discourages investment in a country where investment is already low.
- Business rates penalise firms for occupying premises regardless of whether they make money.
Both columns are set out as their strongest case, not as a preferred answer and a strawman. See how this site handles contested questions.
Common questions
- Do I pay business taxes without realising it?
- Taxes charged on businesses that reach households anyway, through higher prices, lower wages or smaller pension pots. Formally, companies. In practice the cost is shared between customers, workers and shareholders, in proportions economists argue about constantly.
- How much does taxes you pay indirectly raise?
- £95.1bn in 2025–26, which is 10.1% of everything HMRC collects.
- Where does taxes you pay indirectly go?
- Apprenticeship funding, in one case only. The Apprenticeship Levy is genuinely earmarked: employers draw it back down to fund training, and unspent funds expire. None of the others are. Corporation tax, business rates, the bank levy and the Energy Profits Levy all go into general taxation.
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The figures belong to the bodies that published them and are used under their terms, listed in Sources for this page; most are Crown copyright under the Open Government Licence. Only our own words, analysis, charts and derived calculations are ours, published under CC BY 4.0: reuse them, including commercially, if you credit Tekstak Ltd and link back to this page.
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- Taxes you pay indirectly receipts by financial year (CSV) JSON HM Revenue and Customs: Open Government Licence v3.0
- Public sector receipts as a share of GDP since 1900 (CSV) JSON Office for Budget Responsibility: Open Government Licence v3.0
- Total HMRC receipts by financial year (CSV) JSON HM Revenue and Customs: Open Government Licence v3.0
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Sources for this page
| Source | Publisher | Figures as of | Updated | Licence |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| HMRC tax receipts and National Insurance contributions for the UK | HM Revenue and Customs | the 2025–26 financial year | annual | Open Government Licence v3.0 |
| Historical public finances database | Office for Budget Responsibility | the 2022–23 financial year | annual | Open Government Licence v3.0 |
| GDP deflators at market prices, and money GDP | HM Treasury | the 2025–26 financial year | annual | Open Government Licence v3.0 |
| Revenue Statistics: comparative tables | OECD | 1 January 2024 | annual | CC BY 4.0 (OECD) |
Each source's figures are used under the licence shown. Our own words, analysis, charts and derived calculations are ours, under CC BY 4.0.